Patrick henry if this be treason make the most of it
Posted On mercredi 28 août 2013 at at 08:20 by HSMA
Patrick henry if this be treason make the most of it, The Stamp Act became law in 1765. This required colonist to pay for postage to affix to legal papers and love letters. The troops, after all, needed to be paid. Troops were to protect colonial land grabbers who loved to rob Native Folk from their well tended Real Estate. Well?
You know that the invading French and Indians wanted territory too. The people were getting inflamed. People everywhere began believing that these taxes were in bad taste. They were violation- taxes. The lightening and thunder roaring was beginning to rumble. The ferment was felt too.
Patrick Henry addressed the Virginia House of Burgesses. Here's how [howling] William Wirt described the scene in his biography, which was first published in 1817:`
Henry exclaimed in a voice of thunder, and with a look of a god:`Cesar had his Brutas - Charles the First, his Cromwell - and George the Third - ('Treason!'
Cried Patrick Henry the speaker - Treason, treason! Echoed from every part of the house .... Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest emphasis)--may profit from their example.
"If this be treason, make the most of it." Did Henry say that? I don't know.
One eyewitness quoted by Wirt was a young student of law, Thomas Jefferson. "I well remember the cry treason," Jefferson told Wirt, "the pause of Mr. Henry at the name of George 111, and the presence of mind he closed his sentence, and baffled the charge vociferated."
Henry stirred citizens and strongly was condemming the acts of Parliament. A chasm was deepening. Henry put it in this writ way:`
Light and heat were seen and felt throughout the continent; and ... everywhere there was talk about colonial liberty ... The spirit of great resistance became bolder and bolder, until the continent was in a flame."
Words get overshadowed. Henry latter commented:`No taxation without representation." There were eyewitnesses and people took sides. People were becoming horrified. The most "sober and virtuous part of these audiences ... some of whom did murmur at the time, 'treason! treason!"
Despite the claim of Henry's 1776 response to the cries of treason, it's by no means clear he ever suggested making the most of it. Biographer and historian Mr. Wirt's recollections were compiled decades after the event. In 1921 an anonymous Frenchman - whose report was written just one day after the speech in a private journal declares a different story:`
Henry confronted with the accusation of treason, immediately apologized to the entire audience and pledged loyalty to the king. Personally, I (me) find this very interesting.
The Frenchman wrote:`
Shortly after I came in, one of the members stood up and said he had read in former times Tarquin and Julus had their Brutus, Charles had his Cromwell, and he did not doubt that some good Americans would stand up, in favor of his country, but (say he) in a more moderate manner, and was going to continue, when the speaker of the house rose and said, he, the last that stood up had spoken treason, and was sorry to see that not one of the members of the house was loyal enough to stop him, before he had gone too far.
Henry was backpedaling recognizing he has gone too far? Was Wirts account, then, no different from those of Parson Weems, the biographer of George Washington who invented a story of chopping down the pretty cherry tree?
Patrick Henry gave a speech. It "seized the pillars of the temple, shook them terribly, and seemed to threaten his opponents with ruin" ...
And it's written "the fainthearted gathered courage ... And cowards became the era's of the heroes, while they gazed upon their exploits."
My o day, wild.
I just don't know.
I know I gotta behave.
I'll clean cans from farm trucks.
You know that the invading French and Indians wanted territory too. The people were getting inflamed. People everywhere began believing that these taxes were in bad taste. They were violation- taxes. The lightening and thunder roaring was beginning to rumble. The ferment was felt too.
Patrick Henry addressed the Virginia House of Burgesses. Here's how [howling] William Wirt described the scene in his biography, which was first published in 1817:`
Henry exclaimed in a voice of thunder, and with a look of a god:`Cesar had his Brutas - Charles the First, his Cromwell - and George the Third - ('Treason!'
Cried Patrick Henry the speaker - Treason, treason! Echoed from every part of the house .... Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest emphasis)--may profit from their example.
"If this be treason, make the most of it." Did Henry say that? I don't know.
One eyewitness quoted by Wirt was a young student of law, Thomas Jefferson. "I well remember the cry treason," Jefferson told Wirt, "the pause of Mr. Henry at the name of George 111, and the presence of mind he closed his sentence, and baffled the charge vociferated."
Henry stirred citizens and strongly was condemming the acts of Parliament. A chasm was deepening. Henry put it in this writ way:`
Light and heat were seen and felt throughout the continent; and ... everywhere there was talk about colonial liberty ... The spirit of great resistance became bolder and bolder, until the continent was in a flame."
Words get overshadowed. Henry latter commented:`No taxation without representation." There were eyewitnesses and people took sides. People were becoming horrified. The most "sober and virtuous part of these audiences ... some of whom did murmur at the time, 'treason! treason!"
Despite the claim of Henry's 1776 response to the cries of treason, it's by no means clear he ever suggested making the most of it. Biographer and historian Mr. Wirt's recollections were compiled decades after the event. In 1921 an anonymous Frenchman - whose report was written just one day after the speech in a private journal declares a different story:`
Henry confronted with the accusation of treason, immediately apologized to the entire audience and pledged loyalty to the king. Personally, I (me) find this very interesting.
The Frenchman wrote:`
Shortly after I came in, one of the members stood up and said he had read in former times Tarquin and Julus had their Brutus, Charles had his Cromwell, and he did not doubt that some good Americans would stand up, in favor of his country, but (say he) in a more moderate manner, and was going to continue, when the speaker of the house rose and said, he, the last that stood up had spoken treason, and was sorry to see that not one of the members of the house was loyal enough to stop him, before he had gone too far.
Henry was backpedaling recognizing he has gone too far? Was Wirts account, then, no different from those of Parson Weems, the biographer of George Washington who invented a story of chopping down the pretty cherry tree?
Patrick Henry gave a speech. It "seized the pillars of the temple, shook them terribly, and seemed to threaten his opponents with ruin" ...
And it's written "the fainthearted gathered courage ... And cowards became the era's of the heroes, while they gazed upon their exploits."
My o day, wild.
I just don't know.
I know I gotta behave.
I'll clean cans from farm trucks.
St. john's church richmond va
Posted On at at 08:12 by HSMA
St. john's church richmond va, MR. PRESIDENT: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely, and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony.
The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and the House?
Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these war-like preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort.
I ask, gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?
Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.
There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free² if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending²if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?
Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable²and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace²but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and the House?
Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these war-like preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort.
I ask, gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?
Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.
There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free² if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending²if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?
Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable²and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace²but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
Patrick henry give me liberty or give me death
Posted On at at 07:39 by HSMA
Patrick henry give me liberty or give me death, No man, Mr. President, thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very honourable gentlemen who have just addressed this House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful of those worthy gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before this House is one of awful moment to the country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom, or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I should wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the members of this House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?
No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope.
If we wish to be free -- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending -- if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained -- we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us.
Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me,
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I should wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the members of this House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?
No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope.
If we wish to be free -- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending -- if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained -- we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us.
Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me,
Patrick henry give me liberty speech
Posted On at at 07:35 by HSMA
Patrick henry give me liberty speech, To avoid interference from Lieutenant-Governor Dunmore and his Royal Marines, the Second Virginia Convention met March 20, 1775 inland at Richmond--in what is now called St. John's Church--instead of the Capitol in Williamsburg. Delegate Patrick Henry presented resolutions to raise a militia, and to put Virginia in a posture of defense. Henry's opponents urged caution and patience until the crown replied to Congress' latest petition for reconciliation.
On the 23rd, Henry presented a proposal to organize a volunteer company of cavalry or infantry in every Virginia county. By custom, Henry addressed himself to the Convention's president, Peyton Randolph of Williamsburg. Henry's words were not transcribed, but no one who heard them forgot their eloquence, or Henry's closing words: "Give me liberty, or give me death!"
Henry's first biographer, William Wirt of Maryland, was three-years-old in 1775. An assistant federal prosecutor in Aaron Burr's trial for treason at Richmond in 1807, and later attorney general of the United States, Wirt began to collect materials for the biography in 1808, nine years after Henry's death. From the recollections of men like Thomas Jefferson, Wirt reconstructed an account of Henry's life, including the remarks presented below.
On the 23rd, Henry presented a proposal to organize a volunteer company of cavalry or infantry in every Virginia county. By custom, Henry addressed himself to the Convention's president, Peyton Randolph of Williamsburg. Henry's words were not transcribed, but no one who heard them forgot their eloquence, or Henry's closing words: "Give me liberty, or give me death!"
Henry's first biographer, William Wirt of Maryland, was three-years-old in 1775. An assistant federal prosecutor in Aaron Burr's trial for treason at Richmond in 1807, and later attorney general of the United States, Wirt began to collect materials for the biography in 1808, nine years after Henry's death. From the recollections of men like Thomas Jefferson, Wirt reconstructed an account of Henry's life, including the remarks presented below.
Queen elizabeth i parents
Posted On at at 07:28 by HSMA
Queen elizabeth i parents, We are delighted that your daughter or son has chosen Wyggeston and Queen Elizabeth I College as their place of learning for the next stage of their education. Here at QE, we encourage all parents and carers to join with us as we support and encourage our learners in their studies.
Although the College has a somewhat different ethos from that experienced at school, we do still set high standards of behaviour and expect all students to take their responsibilities, both to themselves and others, seriously. To help them develop into young independent adults, we provide a comprehensive range of support.
Advice and guidance services, personal tutors and other staff are there with them every step of the way.
The part you play, the interest you show and the continuing support you provide are essential. I look forward to working with you to ensure that your daughter or son enjoy their time here at the College; that they maximize the opportunities offered and that courses of study are completed successfully.
Sue Ashwin
Vice Principal (Support and Guidance)
All parents/carers will be issued with a detailed Parents’ Handbook on enrolment.
The College is committed to equal opportunities. In pursuit of this commitment the College will keep under scrutiny the effect of its policies, procedures and actions upon equal opportunities and equal treatment of staff, students and the public and will act upon any evidence which suggests that inequalities exist.
Although the College has a somewhat different ethos from that experienced at school, we do still set high standards of behaviour and expect all students to take their responsibilities, both to themselves and others, seriously. To help them develop into young independent adults, we provide a comprehensive range of support.
Advice and guidance services, personal tutors and other staff are there with them every step of the way.
The part you play, the interest you show and the continuing support you provide are essential. I look forward to working with you to ensure that your daughter or son enjoy their time here at the College; that they maximize the opportunities offered and that courses of study are completed successfully.
Sue Ashwin
Vice Principal (Support and Guidance)
All parents/carers will be issued with a detailed Parents’ Handbook on enrolment.
The College is committed to equal opportunities. In pursuit of this commitment the College will keep under scrutiny the effect of its policies, procedures and actions upon equal opportunities and equal treatment of staff, students and the public and will act upon any evidence which suggests that inequalities exist.
Queen elizabeth i golden speech
Posted On at at 07:23 by HSMA
Queen elizabeth i golden speech, The speech, which Elizabeth I gave in the Palace of Whitehall on November 30th, 1601, was know at once, and ever afterwards, as Queen Elizabeth's Golden Speech.
Queen Elizabeth I was the greatest master of public relations ever to occupy the English throne. Highly intelligent, maddening and enchanting, she staged a brilliantly successful one-woman show in which, spectacularly costumed and blazingly bejewelled, she created a starry image for herself as Gloriana, Spenser’s faerie queen, as the ‘chaste and fair’ Diana, virgin huntress and goddess of the moon, as Astraea, the personification of justice or ‘Albion’s golden sun’. She even acquired aspects of the Virgin Mary, queen of heaven. By November 1601, however, Elizabeth had been queen for forty-three years. She was past her sixty-eighth birthday, in failing health and prone to bouts of depression, which she tried to dispel with feverish gaiety. The Irish campaign was costing a fortune, Robert Cecil and her other counsellors were busy ingratiating themselves with her probable successor, the King of Scots, and the new parliament was going to be angry over monopolies, which raised prices.
Characteristically, Elizabeth rose to the challenge and the opportunity. Things went wrong at first as an official blunder excluded many members of the Commons from the Parliament Chamber, so that they missed the opening ceremony. Once grumpily gathered together, they settled down to a fierce attack on monopolies, though uneasily aware that they were challenging the royal prerogative. When her councillors failed to calm the storm, the Queen sent word that she would address the wrong immediately by proclamation. This by-passed the prerogative issue and the mood in the Commons changed from rage to joy. The members asked if they could send a deputation to wait on Her Majesty and express their thanks. A message came back that the Queen would receive their love with their gratitude when she had kept her promise. Three days later the promised proclamation was issued and when the Commons discussed which of them should go to the Queen there were cries of ‘All! All!’ At this the Queen invited all of them to come to her at Whitehall.
On November 30th the Speaker and 140 members of the Commons crowded into the council chamber at the palace and kneeled respectfully. The Queen was a highly accomplished speaker and she welcomed them in ravishing Elizabethan English. ‘Mr Speaker, we perceive your coming is to present thanks to us. Know I accept them with no less joy than your loves can have desire to offer such a present, and do more esteem it than any treasure or riches; for those we know how to prize, but loyalty, love and thanks, I account them invaluable. And though God hath raised me high, yet this I account the glory of my crown, that I have reigned with your loves. This makes me that I do not so much rejoice that God hath made me to be a Queen, as to be a Queen over so thankful a people, and to be the means under God to conserve you in safety and to preserve you from danger…’
Telling them all to stand, she proceeded to a magnificent peroration. ‘It is not my desire to live or reign longer than my life and reign shall be for your good. And though you have had, and may have, many mightier and wiser princes sitting in this seat, yet you never had, nor shall have, any that will love you better.’ Everyone knew that she was speaking to them almost certainly for the last time, and she knew they knew, and asked every one of them to kiss her hand before they left. The members went out transfigured, many of them in tears. No one who heard the oration ever forgot it and it was known at once and ever afterwards as Queen Elizabeth’s Golden Speech.
Queen Elizabeth I was the greatest master of public relations ever to occupy the English throne. Highly intelligent, maddening and enchanting, she staged a brilliantly successful one-woman show in which, spectacularly costumed and blazingly bejewelled, she created a starry image for herself as Gloriana, Spenser’s faerie queen, as the ‘chaste and fair’ Diana, virgin huntress and goddess of the moon, as Astraea, the personification of justice or ‘Albion’s golden sun’. She even acquired aspects of the Virgin Mary, queen of heaven. By November 1601, however, Elizabeth had been queen for forty-three years. She was past her sixty-eighth birthday, in failing health and prone to bouts of depression, which she tried to dispel with feverish gaiety. The Irish campaign was costing a fortune, Robert Cecil and her other counsellors were busy ingratiating themselves with her probable successor, the King of Scots, and the new parliament was going to be angry over monopolies, which raised prices.
Characteristically, Elizabeth rose to the challenge and the opportunity. Things went wrong at first as an official blunder excluded many members of the Commons from the Parliament Chamber, so that they missed the opening ceremony. Once grumpily gathered together, they settled down to a fierce attack on monopolies, though uneasily aware that they were challenging the royal prerogative. When her councillors failed to calm the storm, the Queen sent word that she would address the wrong immediately by proclamation. This by-passed the prerogative issue and the mood in the Commons changed from rage to joy. The members asked if they could send a deputation to wait on Her Majesty and express their thanks. A message came back that the Queen would receive their love with their gratitude when she had kept her promise. Three days later the promised proclamation was issued and when the Commons discussed which of them should go to the Queen there were cries of ‘All! All!’ At this the Queen invited all of them to come to her at Whitehall.
On November 30th the Speaker and 140 members of the Commons crowded into the council chamber at the palace and kneeled respectfully. The Queen was a highly accomplished speaker and she welcomed them in ravishing Elizabethan English. ‘Mr Speaker, we perceive your coming is to present thanks to us. Know I accept them with no less joy than your loves can have desire to offer such a present, and do more esteem it than any treasure or riches; for those we know how to prize, but loyalty, love and thanks, I account them invaluable. And though God hath raised me high, yet this I account the glory of my crown, that I have reigned with your loves. This makes me that I do not so much rejoice that God hath made me to be a Queen, as to be a Queen over so thankful a people, and to be the means under God to conserve you in safety and to preserve you from danger…’
Telling them all to stand, she proceeded to a magnificent peroration. ‘It is not my desire to live or reign longer than my life and reign shall be for your good. And though you have had, and may have, many mightier and wiser princes sitting in this seat, yet you never had, nor shall have, any that will love you better.’ Everyone knew that she was speaking to them almost certainly for the last time, and she knew they knew, and asked every one of them to kiss her hand before they left. The members went out transfigured, many of them in tears. No one who heard the oration ever forgot it and it was known at once and ever afterwards as Queen Elizabeth’s Golden Speech.
Queen elizabeth i I know I have the body of a weak, feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a king of England too
Posted On at at 07:20 by HSMA
Queen elizabeth i I know I have the body of a weak, feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a king of England too, Queen Elizabeth I’s speech to the troops at Tillbury has gone down as one of the most significant, inspiring speeches of all time.
The English were preparing to defend themselves against the invasion of the Spanish armada on 19 August 1588 when she rode a gray gelding down to them and delivered the following speech:
“My loving people
We have been persuaded by some that are careful of our safety, to take heed how we commit our selves to armed multitudes, for fear of treachery; but I assure you I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear. I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good-will of my subjects; and therefore I am come amongst you, as you see, at this time, not for my recreation and disport, but being resolved, in the midst and heat of the battle, to live and die amongst you all; to lay down for my God, and for my kingdom, and my people, my honour and my blood, even in the dust.
I know I have the body of a weak, feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a king of England too, and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realm; to which rather than any dishonour shall grow by me, I myself will take up arms, I myself will be your general, judge, and rewarder of every one of your virtues in the field.
I know already, for your forwardness you have deserved rewards and crowns; and We do assure you on a word of a prince, they shall be duly paid. In the mean time, my lieutenant general shall be in my stead, than whom never prince commanded a more noble or worthy subject; not doubting but by your obedience to my general, by your concord in the camp, and your valour in the field, we shall shortly have a famous victory over these enemies of my God, of my kingdom, and of my people.”
It was later found on a later in the 17th century and has been confirmed as the Queen’s actual words.
Queen Elizabeth I “I know I have the body of a weak, feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a King, and of a King of England too.”
Today marks the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream” speech. A watershed moment in race relations, his incredible oratory that late summer day has gone down as one of the most significant speeches of all time. Yes, on August 28th, 1963, Dr. King became another testament to the power of words.
He wasn’t the first person to move thousands of people with a speech, however. Over the history of humankind there have been a handful of notable speeches that have ignited souls.
The English were preparing to defend themselves against the invasion of the Spanish armada on 19 August 1588 when she rode a gray gelding down to them and delivered the following speech:
“My loving people
We have been persuaded by some that are careful of our safety, to take heed how we commit our selves to armed multitudes, for fear of treachery; but I assure you I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear. I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good-will of my subjects; and therefore I am come amongst you, as you see, at this time, not for my recreation and disport, but being resolved, in the midst and heat of the battle, to live and die amongst you all; to lay down for my God, and for my kingdom, and my people, my honour and my blood, even in the dust.
I know I have the body of a weak, feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a king of England too, and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realm; to which rather than any dishonour shall grow by me, I myself will take up arms, I myself will be your general, judge, and rewarder of every one of your virtues in the field.
I know already, for your forwardness you have deserved rewards and crowns; and We do assure you on a word of a prince, they shall be duly paid. In the mean time, my lieutenant general shall be in my stead, than whom never prince commanded a more noble or worthy subject; not doubting but by your obedience to my general, by your concord in the camp, and your valour in the field, we shall shortly have a famous victory over these enemies of my God, of my kingdom, and of my people.”
It was later found on a later in the 17th century and has been confirmed as the Queen’s actual words.
Queen Elizabeth I “I know I have the body of a weak, feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a King, and of a King of England too.”
Today marks the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream” speech. A watershed moment in race relations, his incredible oratory that late summer day has gone down as one of the most significant speeches of all time. Yes, on August 28th, 1963, Dr. King became another testament to the power of words.
He wasn’t the first person to move thousands of people with a speech, however. Over the history of humankind there have been a handful of notable speeches that have ignited souls.